Archive for July, 2017

“Colossus of Roads,” Montreal Gazette. July 31, 1938. Page 08.

The Colossus, really the Grim Reaper, astride a highway bears the legend: “Careless Driving Accident Toll.”

Art by John Collins.

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was another problem turn-of-the-century child savers like Kelso and
institutional officials like Chester Ferrier, the longest serving
superintendent of the Victoria Industrial School, linked to boys’
deviant character. A careful study of the boys under his charge led
Ferrier to believe that tobacco use was overrepresented among
delinquent boys. According to the Superintendent, 60 per cent of the
in mates of the Victoria Industrial School were smokers. Ferrier
objected to the use of tobacco by boys since he was convinced it had
detrimental effects for what he called their “moral power.”
Tobacco use was, in his words, “destroying, and making criminals
of more of this class of boys than the saloons. It weakens the moral
power of the boy, so that the cigarette fiend readily yields to

Like truancy, the deception
associated with smoking worried justice officials most. According to
the Committee Appointed to Investigate the Present Juvenile
Reformatory Schools of Ontario, “younger and older, they [would]
commit acts of deceit or theft for the sake of a smoke – even a
butt.” Ferrier thought the level of dishonesty allied with
tobacco use would inevitably lead deviant youth down a path of
habitual criminality. He argued that the various stages smokers
passed through in concealing and furthering a smoking habit
contributed to their deviance:

Deception [was] resorted to in
the incipient stages of this habit. He must hide from his parents,
for a time at least, this harmful indulgence. He takes his first
smoke in secret. For this purpose he finds companions who are already
addicted to the habit and have taken their first downward step. He
thus becomes deceitful and untruthful.

continued to moralize about the evils of tobacco long after boys were
paroled from the Victoria Industrial School. For example, Tom M. was
a former in mate whom Ferrier worried would be brought back to the
institution as a result of his smoking habit. Tom was fifteen when
admitted to the School for vagrancy. Staff described him as a robust
boy who was illiterate. Ferrier received word that after being
released from the institution Tom was wasting his hard earned money
on tobacco. Concerned that smoking would lead to Tom’s return to the
institution, the superintendent wrote a letter to him warning of its

There is one habit which you
have very badly and which will be against you so long as you indulge
in it, and that is the use of tobacco. In a statement that Mr. U
furnished some months ago as to the money he had spent for you, there
was an item of $4.50 for tobacco. That seems such an extraordinary
thing that I could scarcely credit it.

But the cost of smoking was
not the only pitfall Ferrier saw for paroled boys. The use of tobacco
also brought boys into contact with other smokers who were invariably
undesirable characters from the dangerous classes. Ferrier told Tom
he was, “very much afraid that if [he] came to Toronto and still
continue[d] [to smoke he would] very soon get into trouble.” To
break boys of their deviant habit Kelso offered them substitutes for
cigarettes and rewards for quitting. While traveling to Toronto a
delinquent boy who was destined for a foster home incessantly begged
Kelso for a cigarette. Not wanting to contribute to the boy’s
delinquency, Kelso stopped at a local store and purchased a supply of
chewing gum as an alternative. After six months Kelso bragged the boy
had not returned to smoking. When placed in a foster home, Kelso
reported, another of his charges promised he would not go back to
smoking or chewing tobacco. For discontinuing his smoking habit this
boy was rewarded with a watch. Kelso and Ferrier lamented, not the
harmful chemical effects of nicotine on the body, but the injurious
impact smoking had for the character of youth. Since scientific
inquiry into the ills of tobacco on the body was still several
decades away, Kelso and Ferrier were concerned with other injurious
elements of consumption. Smoking was a bad habit or vice that was a
precursor to immoral character: habitual tobacco consumption brought
boys into contact with deviant others; to support their habit they
whittled away their income; and deception was required to conceal
their conduct from parents.

the smoking habit was lamentable, newsboys created even greater
anxiety among the elite classes. Their visibility on city streets
contributed to their centrality in schemes of regulation. According
to C. S. Clarke in his expose Of
Toronto the Good
“you can scarcely walk a block without your attention being
drawn to one or more of the class called street boys.” Kelso, in
testimony before Commissioners Appointed to Enquire into the Prison
and Reformatory System of Ontario in 1891, stated “the
profession of selling newspapers is in my opinion pernicious right
through.” Older newsboys held considerable influence over
younger more impressionable ones. When selling papers was not
sufficient, Kelso explained, these boys would persuade younger boys
to: “break a window or unfasten doors, and would steal silk
handkerchiefs and any fancy article of clothing that could always be
disposed of.” In this way, newsboys were dangerous and visibly
posed a number of problems Kelso and others found particularly

rates of criminality among working-class boys during the late 19th
century were not only the result of dramatic increases in youth crime
and truancy, but rather incidences of deviance were amplified by
greater vigilance brought about by Toronto’s police morality
department. Increased police attention to juvenile crime helped to
create the perception of a “boy problem.” The Toronto
Police were active during the late 19th century in hunting out the
newsboys and dangerous bad boys who refused to attend school. In
early November of 1896 the police incarcerated 30 newsboys because,
in the words of a Saturday

writer named “Mack,” they “had abused the means of
education which the authorities, in their wisdom, ha[d] provided for
them.” Questioning the wisdom of such coercive police tactics,
Mack asked: “who will venture to say that the boys have been
reformed by the punishment they have received?” The journalist
agreed with Howland and Kelso that incarcerating newsboys in local
gaols would have little reformative value To these boys, being held
in jail would have been quite a lark. The boys, Mack reasoned, “had
grown up wild and [would] readily adjust themselves to such a hard
and fast system.” Like Howland and J.J. Kelso, writers like Mack
worried about this unique class that required special attention, had
keen observation, and possessed an extensive knowledge of the social
world, but lacked formal education. These dangerous working-class
boys posed a threat to the established social order that needed to be
checked. “Society should uplift” newsboys, “Mack”
reasoned, if for no other reason than “in self defense.”
Evidently, threats to the gentry and established class hierarchy were
met with stiff opposition. In response, elites assembled and
disseminated strategies of control that subjected dangerous youth to
such “uplifting” (read capricious and demeaning) penalties
as confinement in adult prisons, deportation, and sterilization.

Perhaps Kelso and Howland were
less concerned with boys selling newspapers and smoking, and more
preoccupied with the potential problem city streets presented for
children and the risk street children posed to the respectable mode
of life. They understood selling newspapers to be an initial foray
into a life that could eventually spiral into habitual criminality.
As Howland testified before the Royal Commission on the Relations of
Labour and Capital: “there are hundreds of things in street life
that attract children.” Associations encountered on the streets
were considered criminogenic for young boys. David Archibald, staff
inspector of the Morality Department of the Toronto Police Force,
argued boys’ criminal propensities were developed through “the
associations that they form in the streets … They learn gambling,
tossing coppers and they get into all sorts of vice.”

only did children learn the intricacies of deviant conduct from peer
associations, but the street economy also permitted them access to
the theatre. Rapidly expanding commercial amusements in early
20th-century cities were magnets for boys. For ten cents they could
view a drama – albeit from the cheapest seats. The type of drama boys
chose to view worried Kelso and others concerned with regulating the
excesses of dangerous youth. To their dismay, boys wanted to attend
only the lowest theatre, which troublingly happened to be Irish,
working-class, and lewd. But perhaps the greatest problem associated
with this crass entertainment was the potential effect it had on
young minds. J. Edward Starr, who in 1912 be came the first
Commissioner of Toronto’s Juvenile Court, feared the number of movies
that depicted, in his words, “leering villains, gun play and
crime, not to say revenge and wanton love,” giving
impressionable young minds a false and unreal view of life. Kelso was
concerned that boys would not only imitate the villain’s character,
but would, once hooked on the excitement of such drama, use illegal
means to gain admission. Low theatres, Kelso reasoned, had a “baneful
influence on growing boys.” Boys who congregated around the
theatre were known to use profane language and purposefully annoy
pedestrians. Starr considered the city space adjoining theatre
entrances “to be the breeding places of disorderlies.”

Friendships developed on city
streets also allowed boys to find excitement and financial gain. In
addition to newspaper boys, Toronto’s moral crusaders were concerned
about gangs of “young hoods” who roamed the streets with
seemingly no purpose other than to cause general mayhem. According to
former Mayor Howland in testimony before the Royal Commission on
Labour and Capital: “They were systematically organized as a
general thing, the head of the gang being a boy who was convicted
once or twice before the Police Court. They were systematic gangs,
organized for all kinds of mischief, and in a great many cases
indulged in petty steal ing.” Howland thought gang relationships
were a significant contributor to Toronto’s problem of social
disorder and considered the influence of deviant friends to be among
the primary causes of juvenile deviance.”

– Bryan Hogeveen, “"The Evils with Which We Are Called to Grapple": Élite Reformers, Eugenicists, Environmental Psychologists, and the Construction of Toronto’s Working-Class Boy Problem, 1860-1930.” Labour / Le Travail, Vol. 55 (Spring, 2005), pp. 51-54

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Adolf Münzer, Der reitende Tod [The Horse’s Death]. Charcoal on paper, 1901. Source.  

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July 29, 2017: a new episode of The Anatomy Lesson at 11pm EST on CFRC 101.9 FM. We start with a FUTURE BLONDES remix of Oppenheimer Analysis, end with Heinrich Dressel, and in between play music by Rashad Becker, Sister Skull, Nostalgie Eternelle, TRAITRS, NOT WAVING, Anne Gillis, Media:Premonition (put out by the great Sheffield Tape Archive) and Glorious Din (with a very nice re-issue of a brilliant record). Check out the setlist below, tune in at 101.9 on your FM dial, stream at http://audio.cfrc.ca:8000/listen.plsor download the finished show at cfrc.ca or on mixcloud here: http://www.mixcloud.com/cameronwillis1232/the-anatomy-lesson-july-29-2017/

Future Blondes – “Chemical Chant – Behind The Shades” Analysis (2008)
Rashad Becker – “Dances VIII” Traditional Music of Notional Species Vol. 2 (2016)
Nostalgie Eternelle – “Go And Boil Your Head!” Experiments from the Laboratory (1989)
Sister Skull – “Terrorangriff” SSEP (2017)
Anne Gillis – “Untitled #6” Aha (1984)
Not Waving – “Control Myself” Populist (2017)

TRAITRS – “Hand of Holy Fingers” Speak in Tongues (2017)
Media:Premonition – “New Rules” Cassette Releases 1991 (1991-2017)
Housefire – “Moodswing” burnthemasters (2015)
White Blackmail – “Magic” Revival (2016)
Glorious Din – “Arrival” Leading Stolen Horses (1985)
Heinrich Dressel – “The Black Radiant Sky” Sighing Melodies Thru The Graves (2012)

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“In the Afternoon Court,” Toronto World. July 29, 1908. Page 01.

“How it Looked to the Policeman / And How The Honk Honk Man Saw It –

“Honest, Your Honor, We Wusn’t Scorchin’ – we wuz goin so slow that if another copper had seen us we might a been pinghed for loitering”

Reprinted from the Dayton, Ohio, News

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Ben Shahn, “Dwellers in Circleville’s “Hooverville,” central Ohio.” 

Gelatin silver print photograph, 1938. Harvard Art Museums/Fogg Museum, Transfer from the Carpenter Center for the Visual Arts, 2011. #2.2002.3010.

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Mikalojus Ciurlionis, Funeral Symphony (V). Pastel on paper, 1903. Source

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“In a hugely disappointing decision, the Supreme Court of Canada ruled against the Chippewas of the Thames First Nation (COTT) in its appeal against Enbridge.  The National Energy Board (NEB) in 2015 gave approval for Enbridge to begin flowing tar sands oil through its 40-year old Line 9 pipeline. The high likelihood of a spill was enough for COTT to fight against this decision, as a way of protecting the waterway (Thames River) on which it has depended as a food source and for cultural ceremonies.  After winning at the federal appeals court, COTT had its Supreme Court of Canada hearing at the end of November 2016.

Along the way, COTT picked up financial support from hundreds of individuals as well as trade unions, student unions and other community organizations.

COTT argued that the Crown had failed to adequately consult with the nation prior to NEB providing approval for Enbridge to allow tar sands oil to flow through Line 9.

While COTT had engaged in conversations to express its environmental and cultural concerns to both Enbridge and the NEB, at no time did COTT consider these conversations to be with “the Crown.” Furthermore, the federal government did not clarify with COTT until after the NEB hearings were finished, that those hearings and discussions constituted “Crown consultation.”

But in providing the rationale for the unanimous decision, the Supreme Court of Canada ruled not only that NEB had delegated authority to conduct “Crown” consultation, but that it had done so in this case, and had taken into consideration COTT rights and concerns (!)

To any outside observer, it is obvious that if one party says it has been wronged by another party, then it is not up to that other party to declare whether a wrong has occurred. In the COTT situation, since COTT has said it does not consider legitimate Crown consultation to have occurred, then who is the Supreme Court to say otherwise?

As former COTT Chief and longtime indigenous rights activist Del Riley said at the community centre where the court decision was announced, “We face an all white jury.”  He went on to say there is a conflict of interest for NEB, since it was both conducting discussions with COTT as well as assessing whether Crown consultation had taken place. (It’s like NEB was saying “Crown consultation took place because we said it did.”) Riley said “It all comes down to the Doctrine of Discovery” – the belief of European governments that settled Turtle Island that they had “discovered” the Americas.

Newly elected Chief  and prominent campaigner Myeengun Henry said “We will keep fighting. I was at Oka and I guess we have to continue. You can’t change the nation to nation relationship just by saying after the (NEB) hearing that the NEB is acting for the Crown.”

Councillor Denise Beeswax noted “We can’t have a country that excludes our voices.  The land belongs to us regardless of what the Crown says.””

– Valerie Lannon, “Chippewas of the Thames: “This will keep us fighting!”” Socialist.ca. July 27, 2017.

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“Judge Teetzel ‘Calls’ Archibald Methods, Says Police Inspector Too Quickly Assumes That Defendants Are Guilty – Lacked Courtesy, Too.” Toronto World. July 27, 1908.  Page 09.

Justice Teetzel on Saturday dismissed the suit of Ing Kong and Ing John, who claimed $300 dimages from Police Inspectors Stephen and Archibald for the destruction of certain wines which the police had seized in a raid on the premises.

At the same time the judgement scores police methods and refuses to allow costs, saying in part:

‘As to the defendant Stephen, there is not a little of evidence on which to form an argument that he acted with any improper motive.

As to the defendant Archibald, while his demeanor towards plaintiff’s counsel and witnesses during the investigation was deserving of most serve censure, and should have been inflicted with the reprobation of the magistrate, I cannot say that it even suggests that under all the circumstances he acted from an improper motive or recklessly in destroying the plaintiff’s goods…It is a great misfortune that in such important matters as trials for violation of the liquor license act, which may not only involve the liberties and business reputations of the accused, but, as in this case, a large amount of property, the prosecution and conduct of the trial should be left solely to a police officer.

With very great respect for the efficiency of the police forces of Ontario cities, and for their honesty of purpose in prosecuting criminal offenders, one cannot fail to observe how often they, no doubt unconsciously, in practice reverse that fundamental maxim of British criminal jurisprudence: ‘Everyone is presumed innocent until proven guilty.’

The training and practice of a police officer quite unfits him for the office of prosecuting counsel.  The tendency of his life work is to make him suspicious of the guilt of all persons charged with crime, and he frequently becomes despotic and arbitrary in his views, and in the examination of witnesses and treatment of criminals is likely to be unmindful of the civilities and proprieties which should mark the conduct of an officer whose duty is not merely to obtain a conviction but to assist the court to see that the accused has a fair trial.

The judgment concludes: ‘If Archibald had had the courtesy to notify Mr. Mills that not having heard from him he was preparing to destroy the liquors, the occasion for this action would not in all probability have arisen.’”

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“An Ontario prison guard could face punitive measures and potential dismissal for blowing the whistle on the handling of an inmate placed in solitary confinement.

In a series of tweets posted in May, Chris Jackel, a long-time correctional officer of the Central North Correctional Centre in Penetanguishene, Ont., alleged that management had been negligent in the handling of an inmate in segregation — akin to solitary confinement — who was said to be left for eight days “in urine/feces soaked cell” and “eating his own feces.”

The tweets were directed to the Ontario Ombudsman, a watchdog that oversees the provincial government; the Ministry of Community Safety and Correctional Services; and the Ontario Public Service Employees Union, which represents the province’s prison guards.

The tweets contain graphic photos of the inmate’s feces and blood spread on the window and bed of the cell. He also claims managerial staff, recently hired to manage the use of segregation, would ask other employees for direction on what to do to help the inmate. Jackel claimed they were responded to by “shrugs” and “‘don’t know’ answers.”

Evidently, his tweets caught the attention of the government, which has been under fire for conditions inside jails, including overcrowding and the use of solitary confinement.

On Monday, Jackel tweeted a letter he received the week prior, calling him to a disciplinary meeting to discuss “your inappropriate use of social media.”

“These are confidential human resources matters between the employer and the employee,” the ministry wrote to VICE News. “It would not be appropriate to discuss the specific details publicly.”

The letter to Jackel alleges that his tweets infringed upon multiple employee policies, including the Ontario Public Services’ guidelines on social media.”

– Sarah Krichel, “A prison guard blew the whistle on jail conditions in Canada, now he could face punishment,” VICE Canada. July 26, 2017.

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“Journal D’un Forçat: Récit de ses Souffrances et Tribulations,”

from LE MONDE CRIMINEL: Histoire des Prisons D’état, Des Prisons Criminelles, Des Galeries, Des Bagnes et de leurs Habitants. Suite de Recits et de Révelations a l’instar Des Mémoires de Vidoq et Des Mystéres de Paris. Paris: B. Renault, Editeur. 1846. Volume 2, page 1.


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In the 1860s founders of
institutions and programs for boys’ control, like the PAA, began to
tackle the problem of (predominantly) dangerous working-class male
youth disrespecting adults, not attending school, associating with
deviant peers, and, in their idleness, offending privileged standards
of morality. Deviant boys set themselves apart from their
middle-class counterparts through their actions, family context,
location in the city, and by the companions they kept. Even their
bodies were deemed deviant. Doctor P. Spohn, a physician at the
Penetanguishene Reformatory, testified before the Commissioners
Appointed to Enquire into the Prison and Reformatory System of
Ontario in 1891 how wayward boys were “different in physique.”
He added, “boys of the criminal classes were not so well
developed as a rule”; they were “often quite scrofulous.”

Elite reformers during the
late 19th century were convinced truancy was the precursor to
juvenile deviance. A. Ainger, a teacher in the city of Toronto,
argued that truancy was a “first step in the downward career of
those who, at length constituted the criminal class.” To combat
bad boys’ predilection for shirking their educational duties the Free
School System was created. The problem, however, was that those boys
most in need of education and preventative intervention were the
least likely to hear the lessons imparted by school teachers. One
magistrate who was frustrated by the increasing numbers of truant
boys appearing before him lamented to a mid 19th century Grand Jury
that, “the classes most in want of instruction, and the most
dangerous to society, are always those on whose ear the invitation to
come and be taught falls unheeded.” In this respect, elites
considered a lack of commitment to education destructive with
significance that went beyond the mere act of truancy. Truancy was a
precursor to criminality and, as a result, was threatening to the
well being of “society,” defined as a property-right of the
middle and upper classes.

While many of Toronto’s elite
were proud of their accomplishment of establishing Common Schools for
youth, they were gravely concerned about the number of boys who
refused to attend, and, as a result were deprived of the lessons of
respectability. According to Alexander Topp, these boys were,
“growing up in ignorance, familiar with vice in its most
degrading forms, trained to crime, and gradually, year by year,
filling [the] gaols and reformatories.” To ameliorate the
“ignorant” conditions of Toronto’s dangerous working-class
boys, Magistrate Hagarty was convinced that education should be
forced upon those who refused to attend. He argued that there was no
more important topic than “the possibility of ex tending the
healthy influence of education to the class of children by whom our
streets are infested and our jails burdened.”

schools, such as the Victoria Industrial School located in Mimico,
Ontario (a short distance west of Toronto), were promoted by elites
as the panacea to Toronto’s truant boy problem. The class and
religious backgrounds of industrial school promoters betray the
underlying rationale for these institutions. For exam ple, W.H.
Howland, the group’s most vocal supporter, was the eldest son of a
wealthy Toronto banker (Sir William Pearch Howland). Other Industrial
School backers came from similarly privileged backgrounds: William
Proudfoot was professor of law and vice-chancellor at the University
of Toronto and Goldwin Smith was publisher of the Toronto-based Week.
Clearly, institutions like the Victoria Industrial School were at the
heart of elite efforts to control dangerous youth and, in the
process, solidify privileged class position.

Many working-class boys
preferred the freedom of the streets to the restraints of the
schoolroom. In addition to providing opportunities for illicit
conduct, street life was a site to demonstrate, learn, and assert
their masculinity. Ainger argued that all bad boys wanted to
demonstrate manly competency among their friends. In his words, “the
boy desires to show his prowess; on the streets he can do it in a way
natural and spontaneous.” Classrooms, however, provided few such
opportunities. In school, boys gained credit from teachers or fellow
pupils only as they grasped curriculum material. Establishing their
masculinity in school was difficult for the truant since excelling
required qualities many did not possess. According to Ainger, truants
dwelled on jokes, companionship, excitement, and not the steadiness,
self-repression, and plodding industry required of successful
students. Of course, Ainger continued, the truant failed in school
and continued to fail. The restrained and obedient masculinity
demanded by middle-class teachers differed in form and function from
traits held in high regard by street companions.

Masculinity is stratified
along a number of structural lines including class. Although some
sensibilities regarding appropriate manliness were shared, they were,
for the most part, class bound. Working-class boys who eschewed the
class room in favour of the street flouted middle and upper-class
masculine norms of educational attainment. Instead of learning
numbers and skills to apply to a future occupation, many truants
established their streetwise masculinity in association with
like-situated boys. Male youth often took tests of toughness and
prowess in deviant conduct on the street more seriously than math
examinations. The injurious influence of negligent parents was
considered by commentators on truancy to be the fundamental reason
boys did not attend school. Kelso, for example, was certain home
circumstances held the secret as to why so many young children went
astray. In 1895, Reverend S. Card, protestant Chaplain of the Ontario
Reformatory for Boys at Penetanguishene, reported the results of a
study he conducted on the character and disposition of deviant boys.
After visiting inmates’ homes, having conversations about their
parents, and communicating with their neighbours he concluded: “not
one of those boys had come from a home where parents were Christians
and the family discipline was what it ought to be.” They lacked
what Card thought was essential to the formation of manly habits of
industry and obedience central to respectable working-class

other individuals who worked among juvenile offenders were convinced
that poor parents were frequently negligent in their duty of raising
law abiding citizens because of their refusal to ensure sons’
attendance at school. In the minds of many elite reformers, hapless
children were the consequence of derelict working-class parents.
According to a letter sent from University of Toronto Professor
Wilson to the editors of the Journal
of Education
parents of vagrant children could not be counted on to send their
children to school. Wilson was certain that compulsory education
legislation was not sufficient to, in his words, “meet the case
of the hungry, ragged children of the poor and often vicious
parents… [who could] be turned to account, to hawk, to beg, and
perchance to steal.” J.J. Kelso was also dismayed by the fact
that boys would be thrust into the world of work as newsboys and to
beg on the street in an effort to earn money for the negligent
working-class family. When building trades were suspended during the
winter months a great number of men were suddenly unemployed. To keep
the family fed, Kelso claimed, “and the parents in drink, many
children, girls as well as boys, were sent on the street to sell
newspapers and peddle laces and pencils and other trifles – a form of
begging in disguise.”

Begging on the streets or
selling newspapers became a fundamental part of some boys’ lives.
Kelso suggested that sending boys to the street to earn money for the
family at the expense of their attendance at school was an example of
the evil influence of wicked parents. From his considerable
experience with deviant boys, an Assize Court Judge argued that,
“parental authority is the greatest evil to which these poor
children are exposed.” He thought many boys were “dispatched
upon their daily errand of crime to bring home to worthless parents,
to be dissipated in drunkenness what they may lay their little
pilfering hands upon.” The judge was convinced that many male
youth of the dangerous classes attempted to extract charity from the
wealthier citizens of Toronto through tales of orphanage or some
imaginary calamity that suddenly befell them. For boys involved in
such deviance, at least one commentator believed, “instruction
in fictions of misery is all that they receive at home.”
Immorality among these children, Kelso reasoned, was exceedingly

However, Kelso and Wilson
failed to recognize working-class families’ social and economic
reality. Many were recent immigrants who had difficulty providing for
their families and therefore were forced to depend on their sons as
additional breadwinners. In answer to his question, “who goes to
school?” Michael Katz found that indeed lower socio-economic
status was the greatest predictor of who would not be found in the
school yard. Katz found the one exception to this rule was
working-class parents with very young children. l Poor families found
prioritizing their sons’ voluntary attendance at school difficult
when juxtaposed with their earning potential. But to suggest that the
main reason boys eschewed school was because their parents required
their labour power is to deny the spirit of youth for adventure and
deviance. That bad boys did not like their teacher (or the teacher
did not like them), or were frustrated by the work, or that distance
to the school was too great, or that they considered it a waste of
time since education was not a prerequisite for employment, are
certainly other plausible reasons for non attendance. These reasons
were lost on elite reformers.

with truancy, Toronto’s opinion leaders loathed disrespect and
disregard for authority in deviant youth. Deviant boys, one editor
commented, had “no respect for adults as such. They feigned
none.” When a group of boys were playing ball near your windows,
the editor lamented, and “you, not wishing to spoil their sport,
say to them: ‘Boys watch those windows,’ one of the boys was sure to
retort, ‘how long do you want me to look at them?” Or, as the
editorial continued, if a boy on his way to school was rebuked by an
adult for abusing his younger brother, he would almost certainly turn
and say: “’Aw, what’s chewin’ you – mind your own business!”
G.W. Allan while speaking at the First Annual Conference on Child
Saving bemoaned the fact that one of the most distinguishing features
of er rant youth was their almost complete lack of respect. He, along
with Kelso, was certain that: “when you find a boy who is
utterly devoid of any respect for those who are in authority over
him, or who are older than himself, you may be sure it will not be
very long before he is into trouble.”

– Bryan Hogeveen, “"The Evils with Which We Are Called to Grapple": Élite Reformers, Eugenicists, Environmental Psychologists, and the Construction of Toronto’s Working-Class Boy Problem, 1860-1930.” Labour / Le Travail, Vol. 55 (Spring, 2005), pp. 46-51

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“And while I wouldn’t wish brain cancer on my worst enemy, McCain’s illness shouldn’t act as some magical shield that absolves him from abetting—no wait, LEADING—a GOP whose appetite for brazen monstrousness grows by the day. And yet, there were Senate Democrats giving our man a standing O right after he gleefully fucked their constituents, because Democrats would happily set aside differences with Godzilla for the sake of gentility … I was duped when I gave McCain my pitiable little sum all those years ago, but I know better today. Everyone should know better. Everyone should realize that John McCain is the perfect American lie, a man who professes to be noble and fair and just while being none of those things. He served his country honorably in combat, but in no other fashion. And he serves out his time in the Senate, and here on planet Earth, as a pathetic enabler. Never the lion; always the sheep. For seventeen years, gullible people have been waiting for him to make his face turn, to make some grand defiant move for the sake of God and country. But that was always just clever branding on his part, and today should serve as a cold slap in the face to anyone who still thought he might have that kind of political courage left in him. He’s a fucking disgrace.”

– Drew Magary, “John McCain Is the Perfect American Lie,” GG. July 25, 2017.

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“Penitentiary limits visiting privileges: Wives of prisoners picket Collin’s Bay to complain of curbs,” Kingston Whig-Standard. February 20, 1973.

“Wives of five prisoners said yesterday they will continue picketing Collin’s Bay Penitentiary to protest against restrictions on their visiting privileges.  

The women paraded outside the penitentiary for the first time on Monday afternoon to protest against what one said was ‘prejudice against the families of inmates that live in the area.’

One of the wives said their visiting privileges have been limiting to Tuesday and Wednesday nights and on weekends.

Additional visits may be granted by special permission of the penitentiary’s director, she said, but the women were not informed in advance they would have to forfeit a regular visit if granted a special one.

The women said they were informed by letter that the restrictions on visits to their husbands were effective Dec. 1.

John Moloney, regional director of penitentiaries, said that in theory there were no limits on visits to prisoners in penitentiaries.

But he said this depends on the facilities and staff available at the individual institution.

‘The institution bends in the case of out-of-town visitors and always has,’ he said.

A. J. Doerksen, assistant director of organization and administration at Collins Bay, said as many visits as possible are permitted, depending on the number of officers available.  ‘We can’t allow local people to visit indiscriminately,’ he said.

Two of the women also complained about objections of penitentiary officials to children accompanying their mothers on visits.  The women said the visiting area should be expanded and renovated to make it suitable for visits by children of prisoners.  

In another development, Mr. Doerksen said yesterday that repairs were made to cellblock heating facilities on Monday after about 35 prisoners set fire to a table in their cellblock Sunday night to protest inadequate heating.

He said the fire was minor and none of the prisoners was punished.

He said a large heating unit was installed in the cellblock on Monday to replace one of the four already there.  A $5,000 winter works program has been approved, he said, which would provide electric-heating facilities.

Mr. Doerksen said ‘the administration has been aware for a long time that the heating system in the area was not as good as it should be.’

He said a cold north wind and inadequate heating facilities made the cellblock colder than normal on Sunday night.”

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“The slopes of Roke Knoll went up dark into the darkness of summer night
before moonrise. The presence of that hill where many wonders had been worked was heavy, like a weight in the air about them. As they came onto the hillside they thought of how the roots of it were deep, deeper than the sea,
reaching down even to the old, blind, secret fires at the world’s core. They stopped on the east slope. Stars hung over the black grass above them on
the hill’s crest. No wind blew.

Ged went a few paces up the slope away from the others and turning said in a clear voice, “Jasper! Whose spirit shall I call?”

“Call whom you like. None will listen to you.” Jasper’s voice shook a little, with anger perhaps.

Ged answered him softly, mockingly, “Are you afraid?”

He did not even listen for Jasper’s reply, if he made one. He no longer
cared about Jasper. Now that they stood on Roke Knoll, hate and rage were gone, replaced by utter certainty. He need envy no one. He knew that his power, this night, on this dark enchanted ground, was greater than it had ever been, filling him till be trembled with the sense of strength barely kept in check. He knew now that Jasper was far beneath him, had been sent perhaps only to bring him here tonight, no rival but a mere servant of Ged’s destiny. Under his feet he felt the hillroots going down and down into the dark, and over his head he saw the dry, far fires of the stars. Between, all things were his to order, to command. He stood at the center of the world.

“Don’t be afraid,” he said, smiling. “I’ll call a woman’s spirit. You need
not fear a woman. Elfarran I will call, the fair lady of the Deed of Enlad.”

“She died a thousand years ago, her bones lie afar under the Sea of Ea,
and maybe there never was such a woman.”

“Do years and distances matter to the dead? Do the Songs lie?” Ged said
with the same gentle mockery, and then saying, “Watch the air between my hands,” he turned away from the others and stood still.

In a great slow gesture he stretched out his arms, the gesture of welcome
that opens an invocation. He began to speak.
He had read the runes of this Spell of Summoning in Ogion’s book, two
years and more ago, and never since had seen them. In darkness he had read
them then. Now in this darkness it was as if he read them again on the page open before him in the night. But now he understood what he read, speaking it aloud word after word, and he saw the markings of how the spell mus
t be woven with the sound of the voice and the motion of body and hand.
The other boys stood watching, not speaking, not moving unless they shivered a little: for the great spell was beginning to work. Ged’s voice was soft still, but changed, with a deep singing in it, and the words he spoke were not known to them. He fell silent. Suddenly the wind rose roaring in the grass. Ged dropped to his knees and called out aloud. Then he fell forward as
if to embrace earth with his outstretched arms, and when he rose he held something dark in his straining hands and arms, something so heavy that he shook with effort getting to his feet. The hot wind whined in the black tossing
grasses on the hill. If the stars shone now none saw them.

The words of the enchantment hissed and mumbled on Ged’s lips, and then
he cried out aloud and clearly, “Elfarran!”
Again he cried the name, “Elfarran!”

The shapeless mass of darkness he had lifted split apart. It sundered, and a pale spindle of light gleamed between his opened arms, a faint oval reaching from the ground up to the height of his raised hands. In the oval of light for a moment there moved a form, a human shape: a tall woman looking back over her shoulder. Her face was beautiful, and sorrowful, and full of fear.

Only for a moment did the spirit glimmer there. Then the sallow oval between Ged’s arms grew bright. It widened and spread, a rent in the darkness of the earth and night, a ripping open of the fabric of the world. Through it
blazed a terrible brightness. And through that bright misshapen breach clambered something like a clot of black shadow, quick and hideous, and it leaped straight out at Ged’s face.

Staggering back under the weight of the thing, Ged gave a short, hoarse
scream. The little otak watching from Vetch’s shoulder, the animal that had
no voice, screamed aloud also and leaped as if to attack.

Ged fell, struggling and writhing, while the bright rip in the world’s darkness above him widened and stretched. The boys that watched fled, and Jasper bent down to the ground hiding his eyes from the terrible light. Vetch alone ran forward to his friend. So only he saw the lump of shadow that clung
to Ged, tearing at his flesh. It was like a black beast, the size of a young child, though it seemed to swell and shrink; and it had no head or face, only the four taloned paws with which it gripped and tore. Vetch sobbed with
horror, yet he put out his hands to try to pull the thing away from Ged. Before he touched it, he was bound still, unable to move.

The intolerable brightness faded, and slowly the torn edges of the world
closed together. Nearby a voice was speaking as softly as a tree whispers or
a fountain plays.

Starlight began to shine again, and the grasses of the hillside were whitened with the light of the moon just rising. The night was healed. Restored and steady lay the balance of light and dark. The shadow-beast was gone.
Ged lay sprawled on his back, his arms flung out as if they yet kept the wide gesture of welcome and invocation. His face was blackened with blood and there were great black stains on his shirt. The little otak cowered by his shoulder, quivering. And above him stood an old man whose cloak glimmered
pale in the moonrise: the Archmage Nemmerle.

The end of Nemmerle’s staff hovered silvery above Ged’s breast. Once gently it touched him over the heart, once on the lips, while Nemmerle whispered. Ged stirred, and his lips parted gasping for breath. Then the old Archmage lifted the staff, and set it to earth, and leaned heavily on it with bowed
head, as if he had scarcely strength to stand.

Vetch found himself free to move. Looking around, he saw that already others were there, the Masters Summoner and Changer. An act of great wizardry is not worked without arousing such men, and they had ways of coming very swiftly when need called, though none had been so swift as the
Archmage. They now sent for help, and some who came went with the Archmage, while others, Vetch among them, carried Ged to the chambers of the
Master Herbal.”

– Ursula K. Le Guin, A Wizard of Earthsea. 1968. 

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