Archive for February, 2018

“Two Foreigners Guilty of Attempted Murder,” Toronto Globe. February 28, 1919. Page 03.

(Special Despatch to The Globe.)
Welland, Feb. 27. – …[AL: another story was cut out from this article]

Guilty of Attempted Murder.
Dan Hulsuk and Paul Pitrius also came up for trial for attempting to murder Nick Pitrius on May 17 last. Each was sentenced to fourteen years’ imprisonment. The three men are Austrians, and had had some misunderstanding. They left work at 6 o’clock that evening and a fight ensued on the Ontario road, Crowland. Dan Huisuk struck Nick Pitrius with a piece of iron piping four feet long and one and a half inches thick. He tried to defend himself by striking back with his lunch-box, but Paul Pitrius also struck him with another piece of pipe and broke his leg. The two men continued to strike him on the head and one arm was smashed to a pulp. He asked them not to kill him for the sake of his wife and children, but they would probably have done so had not Police Constable George Lee arrived, and then they ran away. Nothing was heard of them until Chief Geo. Wright of Crownland heard they were in Lethbridge, Alberta, and they were immediately brought here for trial.

[AL: These two men were marked for deportation by the penitentiary authorities, even though both of them had been resident in Canada for many years – neither appear to have been placed in an internment camp, either, during the Great War. Both worked in industries associated with the Welland Canal.  Both Hulsuk (more likely Hulchuk) and Pitrius were Ukrainian, but were citizens of the Austro-Hungarian empire, and so faced deportation back to a country which no longer existed. Deportation was  a frequent tool used against lawbreakers of all sorts in the xenophobic post-World War 1 period.]

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“Reflecting back on the past month and its association with St. Valentine’s Day, it seems February often confronts us with emotion a bit more overtly – even if it is only the retail version of romantic love. It has been hard to miss the flowers, the chocolates and the cards, the pink and red and sparkly silver which seems to appear every year for the convenience and consumption of those lucky in love – only to have vanished forebodingly on the morning of the fifteenth. But when did all this happen? I don’t mean, when is the date when store managers give the okay to their assistants to switch the Christmas tinsel and reindeer for dangling cupids against a backdrop of hearts, and then to replace these a few weeks later with florid posters proclaiming the imminence of Mother’s Day. Rather, when did these symbols start representing love? Why did it become accepted or important to celebrate certain kinds of affective relationships in such a public way? While these sentiments seem so obvious to us, would their meanings have been equally intelligible to people living a century or two ago? How has the way in which romantic or familial love is represented impacted the ways in which it is experienced, expressed or understood? These are just some of the kinds of questions which come up for the historian of emotions.

The historical study of human emotions such as fear, shame, disgust, anger, love and happiness is a relatively recent development, forming part of the rise of cultural history and a scholarly interest in subjectivity. Traditionally, emotions are regarded as the domain of psychology and neuroscience. These fields tend to view feelings as physiologically governed and therefore emphasise their universalism: that emotions are the same today as they were in the past and will be in the future, irrespective of the spatial or temporal context in which they function. But social constructionists have critiqued this perspective, showing that the experience, expression and interpretation of emotions take place within a specific social context, and therefore emotions must be culturally specific and embedded in cultural meaning. It follows that the experience, expression, evaluation and interpretation of emotion is intimately bound up with its cultural context and is subject to change over time. In short, emotions have a history.

This is skilfully demonstrated in Fear: a cultural history by the British historian Joanna Bourke. In this book Bourke studies two centuries of dread and panic in the Anglo-American world. From the Victorians’ fear of being buried alive to post-9/11 trepidations over terrorist attacks, she effectively shows how an emotion changes over time within the context of broader social stresses. Interest in studying change and continuity in human emotions has accelerated so rapidly that many universities now house centres and institutes specifically dedicated to the historical study of the emotions. Cambridge was one of the first universities to offer a course on the topic as part of the Themes and Sources history undergraduate paper. The course is taught by a host of acclaimed Cambridge historians and allows students to ponder the literature and evaluate different approaches and methodologies in the historical study of emotions.

But why do feelings deserve so much attention? Proponents of the approach argue that emotions are on par with class or gender – indispensable categories of analysis which should be considered in any historical study in order to more fully comprehend the past. The study of emotions should therefore not simply form a peripheral or unique field of inquiry, but be integrated into all historical research. The American medievalist Barbara Rosenwein explains: “Thus, for example, a history of Germany between the two world wars should include a discussion of not only the economy, the relations between men and women, the ideologies of communism, fascism, and liberalism, and so on, but also the emotions that were privileged – and denigrated – during that period by various dominant and marginal groups.” To Rosenwein, this engagement with emotions in all areas of historical inquiry is “the ultimate goal” (2010).”


Danelle van Zyl-Hermann,“The emotional historian?Cambridge University research blog. February 28, 2012.

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is “tiredness that
trusts in
the world”
tiredness” is
worldless, world-destroying
tiredness ’opens’ the I and “makes room” for
the world. It re-establishes
the "duality” that solitary tiredness destroys utterly. One
sees, and one is seen. One touches, and one is touched: tiredness as
a becoming-accessible, as the
possibility of being touched and of being able to touch
in turn.
It makes lingering, abidance, possible in the first

– Byung-Chul Han, The Burnout Society. Translated by Erik Butler. Stanford: Stanford University Press, 2015. p. 31-32

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I was thinking, as a historical researcher, about Black History Month and how best to commemorate it. I’m conflicted – not only because I’m very aware that these are not my stories to tell, and that there are better equipped people to tell them. What is the responsibility of someone who studies the history of criminality and incarceration in Canada – especially as that history risks becoming a parade of “suffering black bodies” (Marianne Noble). Writing something, relating something, seems better than keeping silent, especially when we consider the historic continuities of the penal system, and its ongoing expression of white supremacy in Canada.

There’s no question, even sticking to the period I’m most familiar with – 1895-1945 – that the criminal justice system, from police to courts to prisons, fell hard on Black folks in Canada. My familiarity with legal trials is…not as good as it should be, so I highly recommend Barrington Walker’s excellent monograph “Race on Trial” (which I discovered while helping the descendants of the Freemans – one of the cases studied closely by Walker – do research into their ancestors) for more information. Looking just at the Dominion penitentiaries, there are the raw statistics – discrimination is visible just in the higher percentage of Black prisoners compared to their total percentage of the Canadian population. Certain communities – Chatham, Halifax – specifically accounted for a high proportion of prisoners arriving at Dominion penitentiaries (and provincial prisons).

Beyond the use of numbers – why repeat the process by prisoners were already having their identities stripped to numbers? – it is clear that the disciplinary and coercive regime of the early 20th century penitentiary fell especially harshly on Black prisoners. To cite a specific example, William Smith, a British immigrant from Manchester, was sentenced in the summer of 1914 to two years at Kingston Penitentiary for stealing a watch from a pawnbroker in Toronto – and despite the newspaper claims that he had “a bad record,” his only previous experience with any sort of criminal sanction or incarceration was a few months in Toronto’s Central. Once inside the prison, Smith became a disciplinary problem to the authorities – his “violent temper,” “gross insubordination” and construction of improvised weapons – a lead pipe club especially – caused “a lot of trouble” to the police staff, who sentenced him first to the Prison of Isolation (long-term solitary) and then, after Smith destroyed his cell fixtures there, to be lashed in August 1915.

Always, according to the reports, the prisoner brings these punishments upon themselves, but the limited evidence of Smith’s record suggest that he was harassed by staff and white inmates – and it is evident, too, from the records of other inmates that Black prisoners understood they were being targeted excessively and acted accordingly. In 1901, as he was being dragged to the Dungeon, for yet another count of ‘insolence’, William Wallace accused – an analysis as accusation – the Chief Keeper, William St. Pierre Hughes, of “being down on all the Colored people” at Kingston Penitentiary. Hughes, brother of Sam Hughes and later the Superintendent of Penitentiaries, was barely exonerated, during a Royal Commission no less, of the shooting death of a Black convict named Hewell in 1896. At Dorchester Penitentiary in New Brunswick between 1900 and 1920, a species of official neglect reigned instead – Black prisoners were not recommended for parole as often as other prisoners – the odd “unfortunate young boy” that could be removed from the prison notwithstanding – but very rarely do Black prisoners figure in the Warden’s reports on disciplinary problems, either.

In the early 20th century penitentiary, the “endless, monotonous, unvarying, un-movingly eternal stretch” produced what novelist and former prisoner Chester Himes called a sort of “bare equality.” At times, the demands of the penal regime – for universal labor and “ceasless toil” – as well as the frugal, chaotic, capricious and incompetent administration – upended the expected racial hierarchy of the prison. Prisoners, whatever their background, were put to work where the prison needed them, manufacturing mail bags, cobbling shoes, cutting stone, carting coal and farming produce. In 1900, a white prisoner named Geo. Shipman was recommended against for parole due to “bad conduct” and constant insubordination – “his trouble arose from the fact that a colored convict was…a sort of Deputy Instructor” in the Mason department, and “was not well liked by Shipman”. The documentary record is silent as to who this inmate was, but the fact that he managed a work gang of 30 to 40 inmates was itself an unremarkable fact in the Warden’s report – the prison could not operate without the experience and skills of inmates at all levels of the administration, and indeed many inmates were far more knowledgeable about their trade than the staff instructors.

During the 1930s, the fraternity of agitators, rabble-rousers and “barracks room lawyers” included people of colour – both Charles Cross at Kingston Penitentiary and Chester Crossley at St. Vincent de Paul Penitentiary were instrumental in the political riots that erupted at those prisons in late 1932. The latter’s rallying cry was ‘Hurrah for revolution!’ – and Crossley was considered so popular at the Laval penitentiary that he was eventually transferred to Kingston in 1934. While on trial in 1937 for the murder of a guard during a “psychotic” fit – a complicated and horrific example of the concatenation of race and racism, self-defence, staff harassment, madness, and systemic neglect – the prisoners at Collin’s Bay Penitentiary staged a sympathy strike for Crossley. Attempts to smuggle out a petition for clemency from a number of ‘incorrigible’ prisoners were thwarted at Kingston Penitentiary.

There’s much more to all these histories – especially with the great changes in Canadian prisons of more recent decades – and hopefully more histories will be brought to light and retold. I’m certainly not the best equipped to do so, nor should I be the only one. Finally, it’s always worth remembering that Black prisoners, like most other prisoners, could look forward to eventual release and returning to their families and communities – and putting prison behind them. These lives were not just prison, nor should they be reduced to just prison. Smith’s story was arrived at through genealogical research, and is presented with permission of the (some) of his descendants.  

Documents show, from top to bottom: mugshot of William Smith, Kingston Penitentiary, 1914; punishment entry for William Wallace, Kingston Penitentiary, 1901; one of a number of documents attributed to Chester Crossley, St. Vincent de Paul Penitentiary, 1932.

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85 years ago today, on 27 February 1933, a 24 year old Dutch council-communist (who according to some sources also considered himself an anarchist),
Marinus van der Lubbe set fire to
the German parliament building, the

He did this alone after having been profoundly disappointed by the lack of resistance to both capitalism and fascism, and hoped his act would spark a revolution.

Unfortunately this did not happen and the Nazis
instead started a campaign of mass arrests against communists who were placed in concentration camps. They also used the Reichstag fire to pass laws that gave them more power, another step towards dictatorship. Marinus was arrested and executed a few days before his 25th birthday.

It was long believed that the Nazi’s themselves started the fire as an excuse to gain this extra power and historians who pointed to evidence to the contract have had their careers ruined on the suspision that they were trying to cover up nazi crimes. By now, we now that the Reichstag fire was not a conspiracy but an isolated heroic act of resistance to capitalism and fascism.

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Japanese Internment in Canada during World War II.

I had always known about Japanese internment in the United States, having studied World War II as a child and having taught lessons on it when I was a teacher. Today it’s a topic that’s becoming more and more common in the popular consciousness of America. However a topic I recently learned about is quite surprising, something I had never known before. Canada also interned people of Japanese ancestry during World War II.

The road to Japanese internment in Canada began only one day after the attack on Pearl Harbor. On December 8th, 1941 the Canadian government ordered the impounding of 1200 Japanese Canadian owned fishing vessels, a move that was seen as a defense measure. From here a number of measures were passed which served as stepping stones to internment. On December 17th, 1941 all persons of Japanese descent were required to register with the Royal Canadian Mounted Police. On the 29th of February, 1942 the Defense of Canada Regulations were amended to forbid Japanese Canadians from owning land or growing crops. On the 26th of February, curfews were instituted, and Japanese Canadians were forbidden from owning motor vehicles, cameras, radios, firearms, ammunition, and explosives. Finally, on March 4th, the War Measures Act was amended to evacuate Japanese Canadians from the Pacific Coast. 

Altogether around 27,000 people, 14,000 of which were native born Canadians and some of which were veterans of World War I, were forcibly removed from the Pacific Coast. Most were interred in hastily built camps in the interior of British Columbia. Around 2,000 were forced to work in road camps, basically mobile camps that performed maintenance on roads, railways, or other transportation infrastructure. Another 2,000 were forced to work on beet farms in the prairies. All property that couldn’t be carried was seized and sold off for pennies on the dollar. This included land, houses, businesses, boats, vehicles, various valuables and personal items. Financial items were also seized such as stocks and bonds, while bank accounts were frozen and seized. The money raised by liquidating seized property was used to fund the internment program. 

Living conditions in the camps were rough. Many of the camps consisted of hastily built shacks and shanties,some were tent cities, some were ghost towns left over from long abandoned logging operations, while some were nothing more than farm buildings and animal stalls. The only item the government provided for internees was a potbellied stove. Everything else, including food, clothing, and toiletries had to be bought from special government commissaries. Since the internees had all of their property and assets seized, they often had no choice but to take part in menial work projects in order to feed and clothe themselves and their families. The Red Cross even had to bring in food shipments so that those who couldn’t work, such as the elderly or infirm, wouldn’t starve.

The war ended with Japan’s official surrender on September 2nd, 1945. However, newly freed internees found that they couldn’t return home. In August of 1944 Prime Minister Mackenzie King announced that Japanese Canadians who were to be repatriated after the war were forbidden from living west of the Rocky Mountains. This was actually a part of government policy to resettle Japanese Canadians, and drew popular support from Canadian voters. Parliamentarian Ian Mackenzie stated,

“It is the government’s plan to get these people out of B.C. as fast as possible. It is my personal intention, as long as I remain in public life, to see they never come back here. Let our slogan be for British Columbia: ‘No Japs from the Rockies to the seas.’”

 Newly freed internees found that they were legally forbidden from returning home but had to move east to new homes in eastern part of the country. Some refused to move east and were deported as a result. Most internees were unable to move east, having no money, means of transportation, or personal possessions, and likewise were forcibly deported. Altogether 


Japanese Canadians were deported after the war. Even the 200 Japanese Canadians who served in the Canadian Army during World War II returned to find that they had no rights, could not return home, and risked deportation. The policy of forbidding Japanese Canadians west of the Rockies remained in place until 1949.

In 1988 Prime Minister Brian Mulroney made an official apology for the internment program. All Japanese Canadians affect were awarded a $21,000 compensation package.

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“Two Years’ Sentence On Stratford Soldier,” Toronto Globe. February 26, 1916. Page 07.

He Attempted To Assault A Young Woodstock Girl – Says He Was Drunk.

(Special Despatch to The Globe).
Woodstock, Feb. 25. – Pte. Wm. Pepper, ‘B’ Company, 71st Battalion, of Stratford, now stationed here, was sentenced to two years in Kingston Penitentiary this afternoon for an attempted assault on a girl of eighteen on Monday night. Pepper met the girl on a side street, but the approach of two other soldiers prevented the assault. He is a married man, with a wife and family in Stratford. He has a record of seven years in Kingston for highway robbery at Berlin in 1896, and eighteen months in the Central Prison for assault on a girl in Stratford in June, 1908. Pepper claimed he was drunk when he attacked the girl Monday night.

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“Cutting and Carting Ice Opposite the Union Depot, Toronto,” Canadian Illustrated News. Vol. 3, No. 8, February 25, 1871. From a sketch by W. Armstrong.

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“Reeve Weber Heavily Fined,” Toronto Globe. February 25, 1919. Page 02. 

And Gets Month in Jail at Hard Labor for Uttering Sedition


Magistrate and Judge Alike Rebuke Neustadt German and Warn Him

(Special Despatch to The Globe.)
Owen Sound, Feb. 24 – One month in jail and a fine of $4,500 was the sentence pronounced on Reeve Joseph Weber of Neustadt here to-day. In default of payment of his fine Reever Weber would be imprisoned for three years in the Provincial Penitentiary, but he chose to pay the fine. Besides he has to pay all the costs of the proceedings, amounting to approximately $300.

The trial was held in Owen Sound on February 12 and 13 before Police Magsitrate A. D. Creasor, with N. F. Davidson, K.C., of Toronto, acting for the Crown, and D. O’Connell and F. W. Callaghan of Toronto for the accused.

The charge was laid under the War Measures Act of 1914, whereby Weber was charged with making seditious statements likely to hinder recruiting. It was based on words used by Weber to Arthur Mutton, when he is supposed to have said: ‘The _______ British are licked, and they know it. Before either of my sons go to fight, they will die in the hardware store. If they want any fighting let them come to Neustadt and they will get it.’

Magistrate Creasor found Reeve Weber guilty on this charge and remanded him for sentence. An application for a stated case made by counsel for the accused was withdrawn.

Pleads Guilty on Second Charge
On a second charge before the local Police Court Reeve Weber pleaded guilty to making seditious statements likely to cause disaffection. This also was based on the conversation with Mutton, and on it Weber received a sentence of $4,500 fine and one month in jail, this sentence to be concurrent with the previous one.

In sentencing him Magistrate Creasor said that Reeve Weber was a man born in this country, who had lived here all his life. In times of danger he had used disloyal expressions and had possibly influenced his sons to be disloyal also. When he was through with his sentence the Magistrate hoped that he would remember that everyone living in Canada was supposed to be loyal.

Sentenced Suspended on Other Charge
Reeve Weber also came before Mr. Justice Lennox at the Spring Assizes in Owen Sound this afternoon on four charges. Weber pleaded guilty to one charge and is on suspended sentenced pending his good behavior. The charges against him were the only ones in the docket, and were laid under the Military Service Act.

The first charge was of attempting to resist or impede the operation of the Military Service Act by a written communication to Judge Widdlefield, a member of the local Appeal Tribunal. In this letter Reeve Weber offered to give $500 to patriotic funds if his son, Elmer Joseph Weber, were exempted, and the second charge is of offering a consideration directly or indirectly to a member of an appeal Tribunal. The second indictment was based on written and oral communications by Reeve Weber to secure signatures for his son’s exemption.

Admits Guilt, Stay Granted.
On the first charge of the Widdifield indictment the Grand Jury brought in almost immediately a true bill, and Reeve Weber pleaded guilty. Crown Prosecutor Davidson requested a stay of further proceedings on the second count of this indictment and on the second indictment, and also asked for a suspended sentence. These were granted.

Seething Denunciation.
The denunciation by Mr. Justice Lennox of the Neustadt Reeve was most scathing. He said that disloyalty was one of the gravest offences, and there was no ground or excuse for anyone in Canada being guilty of disloyalty. Reeve Weber was a public man and a leader of the people in his district, yet he was stirring up disloyalty and encouraging his two songs to evade the service of their country. He had also made threats of grave bodily harm. In connection with the war and in defiance of the duties of citizenship, Mr. Justice Lennox said, Reeve Weber displayed some of the worst characteristics of a bad citizen. His father had come to this country to better his condition, and he had prospered here! New citizens were welcomed and encouraged, but they had to behave. The only alternatives were to get in behind the prison bars or to get out of the country. In conclusion the Judge said that if after he was released Reeve Weber was a man of good behavior toward his neighbors and the Corwn his sentence would be suspended. If, however, he showed any intimation of relapsing, he would be brought before a Judge to receive a heavy sentence.

Reeve Most Dejected.
During the rebuke of the Judge Reeve Weber stood in the prisoner’s box with his head bowed, and supported himself with one hand on the railing. He appeared most dejected, both in the Assizes and when receiving his sentence in the Police Court, and his face showed considerable emotion. With hardly a word of his counsel, he was led slowly off to the cells in the county jail.

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“There is nothing simpler and more human than to desire. Why,
then, are our desires unavowable for us? Why is it so difficult
for us to put them into words? It is so difficult, in fact, that we
end up hiding them, constructing a crypt for them somewhere
within ourselves, where they remain embalmed, suspended
and waiting

We are unable to put our desires into language because we have
imagined them. In reality, the crypt contains only images, like a
picture book for children who do not yet know how to read,
like the lmagerie d’Epinal of an illiterate people. The body of
desires is an image. And what is unavowable in desire is the
image we have made of it for ourselves.

To communicate one’s desires to someone without images is
brutal. To communicate one’s images without one’s desires is
tedious (like recounting one’s dreams or one’s travels). But
both of these are easy to do. To communicate the imagined
desires and the desired images, on the other hand, is a more
difficult task. And that is why we put it off until later. Until the
moment when we begin to understand that desire will remain
forever unfulfilled – and that this unavowed desire is ourselves, forever prisoners in the crypt.”

– Giorgio Agamben, Profanations. Translated by Jeff Fort. New York: Zone Books, 2007. pp. 53-54

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“The Royal Artillery On A Snow Shoe Tramp near Quebec,” Canadian Illustrated News. Vol. 3, No. 8, February 25, 1871.  From a sketch by W.O.C.

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February 24, 2018: a new episode of The Anatomy Lesson at 11pm EST on CFRC 101.9 FM. Music by Vito Lucente, Gmackrr, Dedekind Cut, Moss Harvest, Carla dal Forno, Profligate + more. Check out the setlist below, tune in at 101.9 on your FM dial, stream at http://audio.cfrc.ca:8000/listen.pls or listen to the archive at cfrc.ca or on mixcloud here: https://www.mixcloud.com/cameronwillis1232/the-anatomy-lesson-february-24-2018/

Introductory material from a talk by Ashlee Cunsolo Willox: https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=eN9z-E9u9Vg

Mille – “Thawn” New Moon Sunken Wood (2015)
Gmackrr – “The Secret Need For A Listener” La Dépendance Électrique (2017)
Jeune Galois – “Nothing To Speak Of” Old Friend and New Lover (2017)
Profligate – “Somewhere Else” Somewhere Else (2018)
Carla Dal Forno – “We Shouldn’t Have To Wait” The Garden (2017)
Panxing – “On Becoming” I Could Go Anywhere But Again I Go With You (2018)
Dedekind Cut – “Hollow Earth” Tahoe (2018)
Dust Belt – “No Growth Without Waste” Ecocannibalism (2017)
Self Loath – “Things Fall Out Of My Life” Self Loath (2014)

Moss Harvest – “Asphalt Holds the Warmth of Morning Light” Shelter (2018)
Vito Lucente – “Falling From Grace” Falling From Grace (2017)

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“Gets Fourteen Years in the Penitentiary,” Toronto Globe. February 24, 1919. Page 18.

Wm. Robertson Assaulted Jail Governor and His Wife and Escaped.

(Special Despatch to The Globe.)
Port Hope, Feb. 23. – William Robertson was sentenced by Judge Ward yesterday to fourteen years in the Kingston Penitentiary. He appeared on a charge of assaulting a peace officer and also of jail-breaking. In December, Robertson was sentenced to three months for burglarizing the home of Willard Morton, just east of here. After serving a couple of weeks he assaulted Governor McLaughlin and Mrs. McLaughlin with a heavy iron bar and made good his escape. A few weeks later he was arrested in Montreal as a deserter from the army and sentenced to 38 days at Stanley Barracks, after which he was handed over to the authorities at Cobourg. While he was awaiting sentence the jail authorities overhead him planning with another prisoner to escape, and Robertson vowed that as soon as he gained his liberty he would burn down the Morton home.

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“I’m done looking for justice where there is none. I’m done looking for kindness, compassion, or an idea of mutually shared humanity where there is none. I’m done with being told to work on healing–you can’t heal a wound if someone is still pouring salt and twisting a rusty knife around in it. I’m done with participating in contrived dialogues pontificating on reconciliation–you can’t reconcile with someone who is still beating the crap out of you.

I respect that many are in shock and hurting very deeply but I disagree with those that are urging people to not be angry, to not protest, to not fight back. Yes, many indigenous cultures value peace and diplomacy, but historically, our ancestors never allowed our women and girls to be treated as Tina was, and when settlers did perpetrate that violence, our ancestors went to war (there are many examples of this across different tribes and regions). What would it mean for us to go to war for our women and girls, in today’s world?

The Child Services workers responsible for Tina Fontaine’s well-being and safety knew she was being trafficked and around exploitative adult drug users, and did nothing, and she died due to their negligence. They put her alone in a cheap motel room and left her to die.

There are 14,000 indigenous youth in Canada’s foster care system. Almost half of the indigenous girls who went missing or were murdered while in foster care were also victims of sex trafficking (according to the data I have). If we don’t allow parents to neglect and abuse their children in this way, why do we allow the state?

Our #1 priority right now should be doing everything in our power to demand that Child Services be held accountable so that we don’t have to lose 1 more of those 14,000 children to a fully preventable death.”

via @eveningstarwoman

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