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Archive for September, 2018

https://api.soundcloud.com/tracks/290068996/stream?client_id=N2eHz8D7GtXSl6fTtcGHdSJiS74xqOUI?plead=please-dont-download-this-or-our-lawyers-wont-let-us-host-audio

September 29, 2018: a new episode of The Anatomy Lesson at 11pm EST on CFRC 101.9fm. live now. Music from Cop Funeral, Wolfarena, Emergency Broadcast Network, Yves Tumor, Clarice Jensen, SPRRW, Coil, Body Sculptures + more. Check out the whole setlist below, tune in at 101.9 on your FM dial, stream at http://audio.cfrc.ca:8000/listen.pls or listen to the finished show on cfrc.ca or a special archive on mixcloud here: https://www.mixcloud.com/cameronwillis1232/the-anatomy-lesson-september-28-2018/

A-Sun Amissa – “Promise of the Loss of Salt” Beneath the Heavy Tides (2011)
Wolfarena – “Slow Moving Death on Bridge 277″ Dawn on Bridge 277 (2018)
SPRRW – “Messages” Decay of Courage (2018)
Body Sculptures – “Body Prison” The Base of All Beauty Is The Body (2015)
Yves Tumor – “Hope in Suffering (Escaping Oblivion & Overcoming Powerlessness)” Safe In The Hands of Love (2018)
Coil – “Baptism of Fire” How To Destroy Angels – 

A Slow Fade To Total Transparency
(1983/2018)
Clarice Jensen – “For This From That will Be Filled (a)”

For This From That will Be Filled (2018)
L.A. County Morgue – “Untitled XVI” Melbourne (2013)
Sean Derrick Cooper Marquadt – “Sons of Reagan (Return of Voodoo Economics)” Split with Bird Paradigme (2012)
Cop Funeral – “Sick of Dreams” 2 Stressed 2B Blessed (2016)
Religious Visions – “Dark Age of Winter” Songs of Faith (1985)
Emergency Broadcast Network – “Behavior Modification / We Will Rock You (Crowd Control)” Behavior Modification / We Will Rock You (1992)

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Yan Morvan, Iran-Iraq War. “Bassidj” militiaman on the Abadan front, September 1980. Source.

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raveneuse:

Ron Athey. Martyrs and Saints, Four Scenes in a Harsh Life (1994)

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Detail from 

William-Adolphe Bouguereau, Égalité devant la mort. Oil on canvas, 1848. Musée d’Orsay, accession number: RF 20107

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“Sinn Feiner Gets 15 Years In Prison,” Toronto Globe. September 28, 1918. Page 07.

J. E. Plant’s Sentence Of Death Is Commuted – ‘Conchy’ Given 10 Years.

(Canadian Press Despatch.)
Niagara Camp, Sept. 27. – The first drafted man in camp to be sentenced to death by the general court-martial is John Edward Plant of the 2nd Battalion, 2nd Central Ontario Regiment, whose sentence was promulgated this afternoon at a garrison parade. His sentence, however, has been commuted to fifteen years’ imprisonment in the penitentiary at Kingston, and this was read at the promulgation by Captain Roy Parke, Adjutant of the 2nd Battaltion, 2nd C.O.R. Plant is a Sinn Feiner, and refused to perform military service in any capacity.

Johnston Marks of the 2nd Battalion, 2nd C.O.R., who is a conscientious objector and refused to put on uniform, was sentenced to penitentiary for ten years.

Col. K. I. McLaren, Camp Commandant, was in charge of the parade for the promulgation of the sentences.

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“Inside Kingston Penitentiary – Ten Years After Canada’s Most Infamous Prison Riot,” Saturday Night. September 1981. Pages 34 & 35.

Part onePart two.

.

 

TERRY Decker, Thirty-Six, Was Attacked and Taken Hostage During The 1971 riot. ‘First they moved us into an air duct. They kept us there for a couple of hours. Then they started locking us away, three to a cell. They made us take off our uniforms and put on inmate clothing. They figured there wouldn’t be any trouble if the people outside didn’t know who was an inmate and who wasn’t. They moved us every couple of hours from one range to another. I don’t know if they did it to confuse our guys, or the inmates who might have wanted to get at us.’

The hostages were treated with an unpredictable mixture of violence and consideration. ‘I was punched pretty good,’ says Decker. ‘They flattened a disc in my back and burst a blood vessel in my eyeball.’ At the same time, he and the other hostages were given double rations. ‘If the inmates got one sandwich, we got two. And tobacco – we had more than we could ever have smoked. I have no complaints there.’ Decker was released as a show of good faith during the negotiations. He’d been held for forty hours. ‘As I was coming out, one lifer said to me, ‘It pays not to be a dog, eh?’

Four months after the incident, he returned to work. He required extensive physiotherapy and cortisone shots in the spine, but since 1973 his health has been sound. Of the six guards held hostage, Decker is the only one who still works in security – he’s now at Collins Bay penitentiary. Two of the hostages have died; one quit; one took a medical pension; one works as a groundskeeper at Millhaven. Only a portion of the prison has been restored. Several ranges have never been reopened, and the top two tiers of the functioning ranges remain sealed off. Prior to posing for this photograph, Decker had not set foot in the part of the prison where he was held hostage since the riot ten years ago. ‘I was in fear for my life all the time.’

‘THERE’S No Call For This Trade Outside,’ Says The Instructor In the Mail bag repair shop, where these inmates were photographed during a coffee break, ‘but it helps the guys do their time and provides a few dollars for upkeep.’ Last year inmates in the shop repaired five thousand bags a week. The penitentiary earns a dollar for each mailbag it repairs, but eighty four cents goes to materials. Work programmes at Kingston – like hobby and recreational activities – are curtailed by outdated facilities. The only work of rehabilitative value is data processing. Inmates are coding the records of the National Museum of Science and Technology into computer banks. ‘We’re going to get a lot more terminals,’ says Andrew Graham, the warden. ‘It’s a popular programme, and it’s a skill that’s very much in demand on the street.’

Inmates used to be paid a pittance. Last May, however, the federal pay scale was revised to coincide with civilian minimum wage rates, less the eighty-five percent of income that Statisticcs Canada calculates a single man would spend on food, lodging, and clothes. Depending on the nature of his work, a prisoner in a federal institution came between $3.15 and $5.90 a day in maximum security, $3.70 and $6.45 in medium, and $4.80 and $7.55 in minimum. Twenty-five per cent of his pay is withheld as compulsory savings. An inmate serving a lengthy sentence now has the opportunity of returning to civilian life with a few thousand dollars, rather than a few hundred.

There are good reasons for the graduate pay scale. The first is the cost of incarceration. To keep an inmate in maximum security costs $35,800 a year, versus $22,600 for medium security and $18,400 for minimum. (In a community correctional centre – where inmates work at civilian jobs and return to custody each night – the cost is $11,500. The cost of parole is $1,600 a year.) The graduated pay scale also encourages inmates to behave well in order to qualify for an institution with a lower security rating – and a higher pay scale.

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“Paris Mobilization Orders Posted,” Montreal Star, September 26, 1938. Page 04.

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legrandcirque:

Soldiers and civilians waiting on a railway platform to board the Tokyo Express. Photograph by J.R. Eyerman. Japan, September 1945.

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“We are fortunate to now have in a French edition a collection of the five booklets produced by the

Groupe d’information sur les prisons

between February 1971 and January 1973 – Intolérable, numbers 1 through 4, and a collection of prisoners’ demands – combining questionnaires and inquiries on prison conditions, texts and declarations from prison uprisings, reports by prison psychiatrists, a dossier on the killing of George Jackson and the black prison movement in the US, and correspondence and information about the wave of suicides in French prisons. This small archive is all the richer inasmuch as it repels a reduction of its ambiguities through the flattening logic of the futur antèrieur (“it will have been the case” that these inquiries were a step away from Marxism and towards democracy…).

As the declaration and prefatory text to Intolérable 1 manifest, the GIP’s prison inquiries are a sui generis combination of methods and objectives stemming from the experience of French Maoism, the ferment in the penal system, broader shifts on the French Left, mutations in the figure of the intellectual, and the political thought of Michel Foucault. The GIP’s inauguration coincides with the end of a hunger strike of Maoist prisoners – and with their decision no longer to demand the status of “political prisoners,” in contradistinction to ordinary (droit commun) inmates. For all of the editor’s emphasis on the irreducible singularity of which the GIP is supposed to be the bare repeater or relay, the group’s pamphlets begin with a minimal but incontrovertible slogan: “Courts cops hospitals asylums school military service the press the TV the State and first of all the prisons are intolerable.” Refusing the horizon of “reformism,” they declare that allowing prisoners to speak on their own behalf, and using the group to transmit their speech and writing to other prisoners, is “the only means to unify in the same struggle the inside and outside of the prison” (16). It is not a matter of inculcating the “consciousness of oppression,” which could hardly be absent, nor knowledge of who the enemy is, a daily experience; rather, it is a question of countering the manner in which the means of formulating, expressing, and organizing this consciousness are systematically quashed and confiscated.

There is irony in how the Maoist principle “no investigation, no right to speak” comes to inform these inquiries. For whereas the Maoists first tried to “establish” themselves in the factories to organize the struggle, they were thrown into jails against their will. And their first instinct was separation. Unity here is thus a matter of breaking a division that – as Foucault notes in a number of contemporaneous interviews – was both imposed upon and eventually affirmed by the workers’ movement, with its debilitating introjection of a bourgeois morality itself reproduced by legal and penal institutions: the division between the proletariat and the “non-proletarianized plebs.” The context of the rallying of the GP to the GIP, and of Foucault’s thinking at the time, is thus that of an attempt to overcome the segmentations among the oppressed, primarily between proletarians (or plebs) with a relationship to the factory and ones without.

To the extent that the penal system is aimed at producing the isolation of a (criminalized) fraction of the working class, Foucault presents the primary objective of the GIP as the “reintegration” of this fraction into political struggles. Moreover, this attempt to suture the fracture in the proletariat – reproduced both by the repressive apparatus and by the official institutions of the workers’ movement – is doubled by a different kind of alliance-building, in which what has become “intolerable” to “new social strata (intellectual, technicians, doctors, journalists, etc.)” (17) about the ruling order is connected to what has always been intolerable in the experience of the exploited class. “Intolerance” is thus framed not (just) as a humanist cry, but as a project for unifying struggles against capitalism – not by providing them with a “thinking head” but by allowing them to communicate with one another beyond their enforced isolation. These “intolerance-inquiries” (enquêtes-intolerance) have four principles: not to attenuate oppressive power but to attack it in a political act; to be the “first episode of a struggle” by targeting specific institutions and individuals,  naming names; to unite around these targets different strata kept separate by the ruling class, thus constituting a single “front of attack”; to be inquiries from the inside, in which the customary objects of investigation become the investigators, speaking on their own behalf and “taking charge of the struggle that will stop oppression from exercising itself” (18).

Despite the shifts in Foucault’s own accounts of the GIP, it is important to keep in mind this explicitly anti-capitalist dimension of the prison inquiries – conceived as instruments to organize a unity against the strategies of domination – if only not to have them retrospectively overwhelmed by the emphasis on “saying the event,” and on not interfering with the words of the imprisoned. The distance between the GIP and classical modes of Marxist organizing is evident enough: an explicit refusal of vanguard organizing, not to mention of traditional distinctions between disciplined workers and the delinquent rabble, is everywhere present. It is also true that many of the terms and practices of the GIP – its stress on public opinion or rights, for instance – seem to belong to a liberal firmament; and that, notwithstanding the protestations against reformism, Foucault himself mused about it calling forth “a new Beccaria.” 9 But the vanishing mediator narrative occludes the antagonistic dimensions of the project, not to mention how, be it in the documenting of George Jackson’s struggle or in Foucault’s coquetting with a vision of criminality as revolutionary (he quotes Hugo on crime as a “coup d’état from below”), it is anything but safely “democratic.”

Much of the willful political ambivalence in these inquiries lies in the very adjective that gives them their title: intolerable. Against the “commission of inquiry” (a common practice of the liberal or radical Left) or the sociological study, they reject the “accumulation of knowledge” for the sake of two aims: to allow prisoners to communicate their experiences and struggles to each other and the outside, in their own words; to intensify and organize an “active intolerance.” This intolerance leaves undetermined whether it would be assuaged by reform or realized in revolution (though we could hazard that the GIP’s tendency, as that of Foucault, is somehow to think a point of indifference between reform and revolt, while bracketing the question of revolution). Perhaps we could say that it lies very much on the hither side of such totalizing questions, though it need not avoid totalizing positions. Objecting to an interviewer’s request to delineate what for him would be an “ideal penal system,” Foucault puts the question as follows – in a class language which he often adopted in this period, allowing it to wane and disappear as the 1970s wore on: “I am simply trying to make visible, to allow to appear and to be transformed in a discourse readable to all, what is unbearable for the least privileged classes in the current system of justice.”

It is fitting that the Intolérable inquiries approached this task by beginning in illegality: prisoners were not allowed to participate in the initial questionnaire so these had to be covertly distributed, by various contacts, especially family members (“some families have become investigators,” the pamphlet notes), in the punitively surveilled context of the “prison visit” (one of the key objects of the inquiries). The approach of Intolérable 1 is methodical. The booklet includes two full questionnaires, two long accounts of prison conditions by prisoners in different establishments, and an anthology of representative statements, thematically classified, from the remainder of the questionnaires. Contrary to Artières’s suggestion in his postface that the GIP had no slogan but that of letting the prisoners speak for themselves (itself a declaration that could be easily problematized: “letting speak” is a very complex act), the first booklet does present itself as connected to a campaign – against the criminal record, posited as a key site for fighting the state’s unlimited power, the hypocrisy of its claims to reeducation, and the endemic violation of labour rights, which turns every release into a mere reprieve.

The questionnaires cover, in detail at once harrowing and repetitious, the conditions of prison life in France in 1971 – from the unavailability of dentistry to the brutality of solitary confinement (le mitard), from the lack of books to the filthiness of living quarters, and from the hyper-exploitation of prison labour to the repression of sexual life. Filled out clandestinely, as noted in at least one questionnaire, they are succinct, if detailed, and bleak – like many workers’ inquiries neither enjoyable nor entertaining, and, given the passing of time, also disconnected as reports from the historical immediacy that originally lent them their moral and political force. While Engels’s Manchester still makes for vivid reading, these archives, disjoined from the practice of the GIP, necessarily test the reader – at least for Intolérable 1, it is the monotony of oppression and not the singularity of the voices that stands out. The first questionnaire may give us a clue to this, when, asked “Can you describe the conditions of the prison visit (what seems most intolerable to you)?,” the inmate answers: “No. You cannot describe the conditions of the visit, you have to live them” (though he proceeds to list the noise, the dirt and the anxiety generated by the limit on time) (20).  What is perhaps most revealing, though, is his answer to the last question, which asks for general views about the questionnaire and the inquiry. Starkly, he states “you have the wrong address” – meaning that the prison is not a site that could be reformed on its own without taking on the whole of the justice system, where the police engages in forms of violence even more brutal than the ones meted out by prison guards. Though he welcomes the inquiry, as part of a broader investigation into the barbarities of the justice system, its danger is that “the effect is taken for the cause” (31).

This recalls an important point made by Foucault in his preface to Livrozet’s De la prison à la revolte, where he notes that though prison writings, namely in the form of memoirs, have been tolerated – as long as they were “as extreme and singular as possible,” adventure writings that served as the converse of the forensic thrills of detective fictions – what has always been proscribed has been the production in the first person of theory from prison, especially in the guise of “a thinking of infraction … a certain reflection on law linked to the refusal of law.” Such theorizing must be left in the hands of the social scientists, for whom the prisoner is the investigated, never the investigator, and prisoners can only form a dispersed collection, never a collective movement. Against the idea that “saying the event” requires celebrating irreducible singularity, the GIP’s inquiries can in part also be seen as a move against the temptation, present in the public genre of the prison memoir, to “conjure away everything that is quotidian, familiar, extremely probable, and in the final analysis that is central in our relationship to the police and to justice.” With their detailed enumeration of unwashed toilets, noise, humidity, mediocre slop, cramped “exercise yards,” frustrated sexuality, or the grinding labour of assembling chairs for a local factory owner, the questionnaires are a taxing testament to this everydayness of oppression, as endemic in its generality as it is arbitrary in its individual manifestations (random censorship, whimsical punishments, bizarre regulations). Indescribable suffering channeled into deadpan descriptions: “8 meters square lit by an armoured window; a basin, a toilet, two mattresses, an interphone. Total isolation. The need for contact turns into delirium. I bang my head against the wall to break the monotony.””

– Alberto Toscano, “The Intolerable-Inquiry: The Documents of the Groupe d’information sur les prisons.” Viewpoint Magazine. September 25, 2013.

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“Maj.-Gen. Logie Inspects Troops,” Toronto Globe. September 25, 1918. Page 11.

Railway Const. Draft Going Shortly – Another Death From Spanish ‘Flu.’

(Canadian Press Despatch.)
Niagara Camp, Sept. 24. – Major-Gen. W. A. Logie, G.O.C., came over from Toronto this morning accompanied by Major G. G. Mitchell, and inspected a draft of railway troops that is going to leave camp shortly.

Another death was added last night to the fatalities which have occurred in the Polish camp from Spanish influenza, this making a total of six deaths from the epidemic.

There were about 200 cases of Spanish influenza in the Polish army yesterday, but this number was reduced to-day by discharges of 185.

Pte. John Joseph Noonan of the 2nd Battalion, Central Ontario Regiment, who deserted from a draft while in Toronto on the way east on July 27, and was apprehended on August 31st, in Toronto, was sentenced by district court martial here to Kingston Penitentiary for two years, and was taken to Kingston this morning.

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“The Central Prison Farm, consisting of about eight hundred and thirty acres, is situated in the Township of Guelph, in the County of Wellington, about two miles east of the City of Guelph. The property, which is capable of magnificent development, is traversed from South to North by the River Speed and its beautiful valley. The Railway facilities are excellent, the Canadian Pacific Railway right through the Farm, and paralleling the River, while the Grand Trunk Railway passes immediately to the North. After an exhaustive examination of a number of properties in different parts of the Province, the purchase of the present site was directed by Order-in-Council, approved by His Honour the Lieutenant-Governor on the 21st of December, 1909.

Qualifications for a Prison Site
In selecting a site most adaptable for a Prison Farm, there were many qualifications which were requisite, namely: good agricultural land; an inexhaustible supply of stone suitable for road and building construction; sand and gravel for building purposes; proximity to the centre of population, so as to minimize as far as possible the cost of transporting prisoners; convenient railway facilities; and a building site which would have good drainage and a plentiful supply of fresh water. While these essentials present a difficult combination, the location selected possesses all the necessary qualifications for an ideal Prison Farm.

The Initial Stages – Temporary Quarters
Possession was taken in April, 1910, when fourteen prisoners and two officers were quartered in one of the farm-houses. As the former owners of the farms moved out and more farmhouses were available, the number of prisoners was increased to fifty. General farm work and land improvement were vigorously carried on, roads were made, swamp-land was drained, and tangled morasses were cleared and converted into garden spots. In the latter part of the following June, the erection of a temporary structure, having accommodation for one hundred and fifty prisoners and a sufficient number of officers, was completed. This structure will be used pending the completion of the permanent building.

Improvements
Much has already been done in the way of economic improvement and development of the property. To connect the Farm on either side of the River Speed, and as part of the scheme of permanent roadways, a reinforced concrete bridge, designed by the Provincial Engineer of Highways, has been erected by Prison labor. This bridge is one hundred and sixty feet in length and has three arches, a centre one of fifty feet and one of twenty feet on each end. The approaches to the bridge, measuring approximately twelve hundred feet, have been filled in with refuse from the quarries, which was transported by the Farm Railways in dump cars and dumped from a temporary wooden trestle.

Plant and Equipment
About two and a half miles of telephone line have been built for the purpose of connecting the different parts of the Farm with the Central Office. In addition to this, waterworks have been installed for construction and domestic uses, supplying the purest of spring water from a thirteen thousand gallon concrete reservoir to a ten thousand gallon tank, from which it is distributed by gravity to the different points of consumption.

A narrow-gauge railway about two and a half miles in length is in operation, over which dimension and crushed stone and other building materials are hauled to the different building sites.

Orchard
An orchard of eighteen hundred apple, cherry, pear and plum trees and fifteen hundred small fruits was planted in the Spring of 1911.

Dairying
As the Prison Farm has superior agricultural land, good pasture on the low lands, the best of water, plenty of shade, and possibilities second to none for producing hay, fodder and root crops, dairy farming will be made a feature of the work, with profit to the Prison Farm and with advantage to the other Provincial Institutions. The dairy herd now consists of over one hundred and twenty-five Holsteins, and a thoroughly modern dairy barn is in course of erection, which, when completed, will provide accommodation for eighty milch cows. In designing this stable, special care has been taken to secure one that will be absolutely dry and will have an abundance of fresh air and sunlight.

Industries
Having in view the utilization to the best advantage of the natural resources of the Farm, and in order to construct the permanent buildings in the most economic and efficient manner, a number of industries have been established, a brief description of each being given below:-

Quarries
There is an abundance of dolomitic limestone rock in high cliffs on both sides of the River Speed, which is of superior quality and suitable for building purposes, lime manufacture and roadmaking. Two quarries have been opened up, from which all stone used in construction, lime manufacture and stone-crushing is quarried.

Stone-Crusher Plant
A stone crusher, having a daily capacity of four hundred tons, has been installed, the product is screened to two and a half inches, one and half inches, three-quarters of an inch and dust, and is used for concrete, road making and the other industries on the Farm.

Experimental Work – Limestone as a Fertilizer
Experiments conducted at various Agricultural Experimental Stations throughout the United States and elsewhere have warranted arrangements being made to carry on a number of experiments during the coming year at the farms of the Provincial Hospitals for the Insane, with a view to ascertaining the benefits to be derived from the use of ground limestone as a fertilizer. The result of these experiments will be at the disposal of the farmers of Ontario, and ground limestone will be furnished them at a minimum cost.

Good Roads Material
Shipping facilities will be available next year to permit of crushed stone being supplied in large quantities to the Municipalities of the Province for road-making purposes.

Lime – Hydrate – Lime used in Concrete
As an enormous quantity of lime will be used in the construction of the permanent buildings on the Farm, as well as in the construction and repair of all other Provincial buildings, a Lime-Kiln has been erected. In conjunction with this, a thoroughly modern Hydrated Lime Plant is being operated. The advantages of hydrated lime over the ordinary lump lime are many, but the most important of all are, the purity and uniformity of product, complete hydration or ‘slacking,’ and the storage of product indefinitely without loss. The lime manufactured is of the best quality, and, being high in Magnesia, is unexcelled for building purposes. In all concrete construction on the Farm, ten per cent. of Cement is displaced by ten per cent. of Hydrated Lime.

Structural Tile
Structural Tiles of Concrete are now being manufactured, and with the exception of cement, all materials entering into their manufacture are available on the premises. As many of the buildings to be erected will be of the skeleton type of reinforced concrete with curtain walls of tile, the cost of construction, with tile manufactured on the premises by prison labour, will be reduced to the minimum. As these tiles are hollow, they are non-conductors of heat and cold and are damp-resisting. The walls and buttresses in the first story of the Dairy Stable are constructed entirely of these structural tiles.

Possibilities
With the great diversity of work in quarrying, manufacturing, building in all its branches, farming, gardening and dairying, referred to before, it is apparent that there is employment suited to the various inclinations and aptitudes of the complex element that composes the usual prison population.

Central Prison Farm, Guelph – Ontario. Corner stone of Administration Building laid by The Honorable Sir James Pliny Whitney, Prime Minister of Ontario, the 25th day of September, 1911. Toronto, King’s Printer: 1911.

Guelph Museums collection, 

2004.32.101.

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“Guards Use Tear Gas: Reformatory Riot Follows Open House,” The Globe and Mail. September 25, 1962. Pages 01 & 12.

Special to The Globe and Mail

Guelph, Sept. 24 – The first open house in history at the Ontario Reformatory here last weekend affected about 30 inmates today – they rioted.

Superintendent Charles Sanderson said some disturbance usually follows any unusual program, such as the open house that attracted more than 10,000 persons to the institution.

The prisoners were subdued within 15 minutes after guards pumped large quantities of tear gas into the dining room. There was considerable damage, but no injuries were reported.

Mr. Sanderson said the prisoners did not attempt to leave the dining room, but smashed crockery and windows. They were removed to a prison yard after the outbreak and more than 350 inmates eating in an adjoining room were also removed for safety.

There had been a couple of incidents in the dormitories during the weekend that led him to expect trouble, the superintendent said, ‘but I didn’t expect anything as serious as this.’

About 30 inmates overturned and broke about 25 windows Saturday night and there were a couple of fights between prisoners, Mr. Sanderson said. One guard received a broken nose attempting to break up one fight.

‘Their fun involves vandalism,’ the superintendent added.

About 15 men involved in the dormitory disturbances were today transferred to the maximum security at Millbrook.

The men in the large dining room were brought back into the building just before 5 p.m. They had been confined in a prison yard since noon.

About 250 men who were in the small dining room remained in another room.

Mr. Sanderson said the 250 inmates of the reformatory will spend the night in the prison yard and will not be given any food until morning.

‘It is unfortunate that we have to leave all the men out because we are not yet sure who all the troublemakers are,’ he said.

The staff at the reformatory was doubled in strength tonight with about 80 men on duty. Guards are watching from rooftops and other locations with tear-gas guns ready.

Mr. Sanderson said that it was the prompt use of the tear gas that prevented the trouble from becoming more serious.

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“Convicts for the Pen,” Kingston Daily Standard. September 25, 1912. Page 08.

The population of the penitentiary was increased by three to-day by the arrival of Ernest Moyes, Berlin; William Stephen, Sault Ste. Marie, and John Hummell, Berlin. Moyes will serve seven years for burglary [sic. actually bigamy and perjury]; Stephen five years for attempting to steal a purse and Hummell five years on three charges of theft.

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Barry Adamson, I Will Set You Free. Central Control International, 2012.

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